Saturday, October 30, 2021

Why China's quest to dominate global tech standards may be elusive for Beijing

The rise of China’s technological growth has created ripples in the world technology ecosystem.

The global tech markets, which were generally dominated by the West have come under immense geopolitical and geoeconomic pressure due to China’s rapid growth in developing emerging technologies. The Chinese government has created a vision for the State to dominate the global tech supply chains and eventually concentrate geopolitical power. At the heart of this vision lies technical standards and the role they play in determining the balance of power between technologically adept states.

Beijing’s view on economic and technical growth has a simple saying: Third-tier companies make products. Second-tier companies make technology. Top-tier companies set standards. China wants to take over the mantle of the latter. With this in mind, the Chinese government revealed the ‘China Standards 2035’ project in 2020, which emphasises the role of technical standards in creating political and economic value for the state. One of the flagship schemes of China for the coming decade, the ‘Standards 2035’ project aims to control the governing mechanism of strategic technologies like 5G, Artificial Intelligence (AI), and Internet of Things (IoT). However, the project does not restrict itself to technology and underlines the objective of the Chinese State and state-supported companies to set standards in other sectors like agriculture and manufacturing also.

This ambitious plan of the Chinese government has ruffled feathers in the West. But the inherent objectives of setting standards provide a silver lining for those seeming to fret over their rival’s ambitions. The current geopolitical climate and the working of the Chinese government will make it incredibly difficult for them to spearhead the process of technical standard-setting. Though having both economic and political clout on the international stage, China finds it hard to convince the rest of the world to follow the governance framework they propose, especially for critical and strategic technologies.

The interoperability dilemma

One of the basic requirements of an international technical standard is to ensure the interoperability of specific technology. Standards act as global frameworks to advance growth and allow easier dissemination of technology across borders. For example, in the telecommunication domain, the creation of a 4G/5G standard is to ensure an open communication network that would allow users access to other global networks.

China and its attempts to influence the standard-setting process can be seen with respect to the 5G standards. This has been done through Huawei and other state-supported telecommunication firms. With Huawei demonstrating exemplary technological advancements in the field of 5G, the company now owns the largest share of 5G related patents. This has made the Chinese and its companies effectively control the growth of 5G technology across the globe.

However, the threats of state-sponsored surveillance have made other countries take note of the effects of Chinese equipment in their networks. The United States, which has been in a major trade war with China for a year and is one of the largest markets for telecommunication companies has now introduced a new program to replace the existing Huawei and ZTE equipment from local networks. The United States Federal Communications Commission (FCC) recently offered to reimburse local telecom carriers for removing network equipment made by Chinese companies citing threats to national security. While the FCC had already declared the two Chinese companies, Huawei and ZTE, as national security threats the previous year and had placed them on the blacklist, this development ensures the complete eradication of Chinese equipment and technology from the US market.

It is, however, not just the Americans who have officially placed restrictions and outright bans on Chinese telecommunication companies. The United Kingdom, after years of deliberation, decided to ban the purchase of any new 5G equipment from Huawei and ordered the existing equipment to be completed removed from local networks by 2027. The other members of the Five Eyes intelligence-sharing network, Australia, New Zealand, and Canada, have also formally blocked Huawei’s presence in the local 5G infrastructure. Other countries are following suit and the Chinese telecommunication giants are losing massive market share due to these curtailments.

Sanctions and restrictions have effectively crippled Huawei and other Chinese companies’ economies. It has reduced the influence the Chinese firms have on the global 5G infrastructure considerably. These kinds of actions taken by western countries can eliminate the possibility of the world adhering to Chinese-backed standards. With effectively no presence in major markets, the standards set by Chinese firms go against the basic objective of interoperability which it must satisfy. Strict responses to the usage of Chinese technology, like bans and restrictions, can result in its technical standards becoming null and void.

Addressing safety and quality question

Another one of the fundamental issues that technical standards tackle is maintaining the necessary threshold of quality that a technology product or service needs to adhere to before it can be used by the general public. With different companies in multiple countries engaging in developing high-end products and services, there is bound to exist a wide array of differences across the companies’ outputs. This makes it difficult to judge the quality of each product. Technical standards can ensure that there is a level playing field in global technological competition. Innovation in the field will likely see an uptick due to standards providing a clear and precise standard to preserve. The International Standard Organisation (ISO) and its specifications help to understand the level of quality that needs to be maintained for any specific technology, product, or service.

With the concept of quality, arises the aspect of safety concerns. There have been possibilities cropping up of these technological advancements potentially infringing on human rights. Applications of technologies like AI and the possibility of genetically engineering humans raise ethical questions. International technology standards can address such ethical concerns.

The Chinese government has used its premier foreign policy project, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a method to export locally developed standards to countries that have signed deals with China on infrastructure and technology projects. International technical standards have been used as a foreign policy tool by China to increase its geopolitical and geoeconomic presence. With BRI steaming ahead in regions like Central Asia and Africa, the project has been cardinal in increasing China’s presence and leverage in often neglected regions of the world. The Chinese get to increase their investments as well as sign pacts with the BRI countries for using their technology standards. But this has led to questions being asked on what the intentions of the Chinese government are in pushing these standards.

The digital infrastructure in the continent of Africa is dominated by major Chinese firms with Huawei and ZTE leading the way. However, there have been suspicions on the quality of technology provided by these Chinese companies as well as the objective of providing high-end technology to other countries. Reports of human rights abuses along with infringement on the privacy rights of users have questioned the intentions of Chinese investments in regions like Africa. The authoritarian regime of the CCP has itself has given the impression of the state values individuals’ rights with crackdowns on internet content and video games.

Chinese-backed standards now face the scrutiny of ensuring the quality and the protection of individuals’ rights. This will make China’s case for pushing international technical standards through with many western countries questioning the intentions of Chinese-backed standards. This has been seen in Huawei and the telecommunications domain. It is likely that with the rise of economic protectionism, there will be further pushback against Chinese products and services.

When China itself is blatantly ignoring the basic tenets of a technical standard, its quest for becoming the leader to set global standards remains far-fetched now. But with China looking for ways to influence the standards-setting processes, this can soon change. Standards-setting processes still require global consensus and increasing Chinese ambitions have made other states re-examine their presence in the international standards domain. It will be still a while before China can effectively convince the world that it can guarantee the objectives of a global standard.

The author is a research analyst at the Takshashila Institution.



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Petrol, diesel prices today: Rates hiked again on 30 October, at fresh all-time highs; check rates here

Petrol and diesel prices went up to yet another record level across the country on Saturday. In Delhi, petrol costs Rs 108.99 a litre, up by 35 paise while the rate of diesel was Rs 97.72 per litre, also costlier by 35 paise.

In Mumbai, petrol can be bought at Rs 114.81 per litre, higher by 34 paise and diesel costs Rs 105.86 for one litre, which is costlier by 37 paise.

In Chennai, a litre of petrol is priced at Rs 105.74, which is expensive by 31 paise. On Saturday, the price of a litre of diesel was Rs 101.92 per litre, up by 33 paise.

Petrol in Kolkata costs Rs 109.46 per litre which is higher by 34 paise while diesel costs Rs 100.84 a litre, expensive by 35 paise.

While petrol can be bought at Rs 117.71 in Bhopal which is costlier by 36 paise and diesel costs Rs 107.13 per litre, up 37 paise.

Petrol and diesel prices are revised by the oil marketing companies including Bharat Petroleum, Indian Oil and Hindustan Petroleum. The new prices are implemented at 6 am every day. States and cities have different fuel prices because of the value-added taxes, local and freight charges which vary depending on the place.

Following are the prices of diesel and petrol in a few metros and Tier-II cities in the country:

1. Mumbai

Petrol - Rs 114.81 per litre
Diesel - Rs 105.86 per litre

2. Delhi

Petrol - Rs 108.99 per litre
Diesel - Rs 97.72 per litre

3. Chennai

Petrol - Rs 105.74 per litre
Diesel - Rs 101.92 per litre

4. Kolkata

Petrol - Rs 109.46 per litre
Diesel - Rs 100.84 per litre

5. Bhopal

Petrol - Rs 117.71 per litre
Diesel - Rs 107.13 per litre

6. Hyderabad

Petrol - Rs 113.36 per litre
Diesel - Rs 106.60 per litre

7. Bangaluru

Petrol - Rs 112.79 per litre
Diesel - Rs 103.72 per litre

8. Guwahati

Petrol - Rs 105.01 per litre
Diesel - Rs 97.61 per litre

9. Lucknow

Petrol - Rs 105.90 per litre
Diesel - Rs 98.19 per litre

10. Gandhinagar

Petrol - Rs 105.82 per litre
Diesel - Rs 105.54 per litre

11. Thiruvananthapuram

Petrol - Rs 111.24 per litre
Diesel - Rs 104.98 per litre



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JioPhone Next Price launched in India; buy 4G smartphone for Rs 1,999, pay rest in EMI

Jio and Google Friday announced that the much-anticipated JioPhone Next, the made-for-India smartphone jointly designed by the two companies, will be available in stores from Diwali for Rs 6,499 per unit.

However, customers can get the budget 4G smartphone in India by paying an upfront cost of Rs 1,999. The remaining amount can be paid via the company's easy EMI scheme.

"This is the first time that a phone in the entry-level category is getting a financing option. This makes the entry price extremely affordable and almost equal to a feature phone price," the joint statement said.

Jio has announced four different JioPhone Next EMI plans for its customers. Under the Always-on Plan, which has a duration of 18 months and 24 months, customers will have to pay only Rs 350 or Rs 300, depending on the choice of tenure. Users will also get 5GB of data + 100/min of talktime per month.

The next plan is the JioPhone Next Large plan. Under this plan, customers can pay Rs 500 for 18 months or Rs 450 for 24 months. Users will get 1.5GB of 4G data per day and unlimited voice calls.

The third Reliance Jio plan for JioPhone Next is called XL. Customers can choose to pay Rs 550 for 18 months or Rs 500 for 24 months. Under this plan, users get 2GB of high-speed 4G data daily and unlimited voice calls.

Lastly, the XXL plan. Reliance JioPhone Next buyers can pay Rs 600 per month for 18 months or Rs 550 for 24 months and get 2.5GB of 4G data per day along with unlimited voice calls.

The smartphone, build on Qualcomm chipset, will be available across India on JioMart Digital retail stores.

Speaking on the occasion, Mukesh D Ambani, Chairman & Managing Director, Reliance Industries said, "I am delighted that Google and Jio teams have succeeded in bringing this breakthrough device to Indian consumers in time for the festival season, in spite of the current global supply chain challenges caused by the COVID-19 pandemic."

The company is also offering data and talk-time bundled with EMI payments for Jionext phone.

"I have always been a firm believer in the power of the Digital Revolution to enrich, enable and empower the lives of 1.35 billion Indians. We have done it in the past with connectivity. Now, we are enabling it again with a smartphone device," Ambani said.

With inputs from agencies



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Rajasthan Pre DElEd 2021: Slot booking registration begins at predeled.com; check details here

The slot booking registration for the Rajasthan Pre DElEd 2021 has been started by the state Department of Education. The provision for slot booking will end on 10 November. Candidates who want to book a slot can do so by visiting the official website - predeled.com.

Follow these steps to book slot for Pre DElEd 2021:

-    Visit the official website, predeled.com

-    Click on the link that says ‘Register’ on the homepage

-    As the new page opens, enter the login credentials

-    Now, Enter mandatory details and pay the fee

-    At last, download the confirmation page for future reference

Direct link to slot booking is here - https://predeled.com/student/login

Candidates can deposit the admission fee from 28 October to 9 November. They can also verify their documents by uploading them online between the same dates.

Check the official notice for more details here.

The slot booking for online reporting between candidates and the institute will be carried out between 28 October to 10 November.

The Pre DElEd course is conducted by the Department of Elementary Education, Government of Rajasthan. It is a two-year diploma in elementary education course. This is a state-level exam and around 350 colleges participate in it. The colleges are allotted to candidates based on the score obtains in Pre DElEd exam.

The application process for the examination began on 9 July and ended on 10 July. The test was conducted on 31 August. It began at 2.00 pm and ended at 5.00 PM.

Candidates are advised to keep visiting the official website for more details and updates regarding any changes in the schedule. They can also contact the official helpline on 0151-2226570 or either send an e-mail to predeled@gmail.com for any queries and issues regarding the examination.



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Friday, October 29, 2021

COVID-19 drove up suicide numbers by 10% in 2020; Maharashtra most affected with nearly 20,000 cases

The COVID-19 pandemic proved to be a killer in more ways than one as India recorded a whopping 1,53,052 suicides — an average of 418 daily — in 2020, as per the government data.

The annual data released by National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) showed that 2020’s figures were more in comparison to 2019 when the country recorded 1,39,123 suicides.

Suicide rate (per lakh population) also increased from 10.4 in 2019 to 11.3 last year.

According to the data, majority of the suicides took place in Maharashtra (19,909), followed by Tamil Nadu (16,883), Madhya Pradesh (14,578), West Bengal (13,103) and Karnataka (12,259).

Suicides in these five states totalled to 50.1 percent of the total suicides, the NCRB stated.

The report showed that family problems (33.6 percent), marriage-related problems (5 percent) and ) and 'illness' (18 per cent) together accounted for 56.7 per cent of total suicides in the country during 2020.

Each year, over 70,000 people take their own life and many more attempt suicide across the globe, the World Health Organisation reports.

A collection of Suicide prevention helpline numbers are available here. Please reach out if you or anyone you know is in need of support. The All-India helpline number is: 022-27546669



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IGNOU TEE December 2021: University extends assignment submission date to 30 November

The Indira Gandhi National Open University (IGNOU) has extended the Term End Examination (TEE) for the December 2021 assignment submission date. Previously, the deadline to submit the assignment was 31 October. However, as per the latest updates, the date has now been extended till 30 November.

Taking to their official Twitter handle, IGNOU shared a notification and informed that the last date for submission of assignments has been pushed ahead.

“With the approval of the competent authority, the last date for submission of assignment (both in hard copy and soft copy) for the Term-End Examination, December 2021 has been further extended to November 30, 2021,” reads the official statement.

https://twitter.com/OfficialIGNOU/status/1453699744069406735?s=20

Furthermore, candidates preparing for Term End Examination can check the official website at http://ignou.ac.in/ for more updates and information regarding the same.

Days ago, the university had released the December TEE 2021 tentative date sheet. According to the schedule, the exams will commence on 20 January, 2022 and will end on 22 February. However, the portal for the submission of the online form for the December term-end examination will open in due course of time.

As per the tentative schedule, the exam will be conducted in two shifts. The first shift will begin from 10:00 am to 1:00 pm and the second will commence from 2:00 pm to 5:00 pm on all days. Candidates should note that the examination will be conducted in offline mode.

Simple steps to check December TEE tentative date sheet:

- Go to the official website at http://www.ignou.ac.in/

- Search and click on the link that reads, “Tentative Date Sheet for Conduct of December 2021 TEE” on the homepage

- Within a few seconds, a PDF file will open with all concerned details

- Kindly, check the tentative exam dates and instructions provided by the University

- Finally, download the PDF for future use or reference



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By celebrating Pakistan victory, some Indians have made a ‘mauka-ry’ of Indian ethos and democracy

There are reports of arrests in Uttar Pradesh of those who raised the Pakistan flag or sang the Pakistani national anthem post the T20 World Cup match. In Kashmir, students and staff of medical colleges have been booked under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA). This has been the norm post any India-Pakistan sporting event.

All India-Pakistan clashes on the sports field are tension-packed and played to full houses, as was evident in Dubai, where tickets were sold out weeks before the match. The loser faces national backlash, while the victor takes the spoils. Victory is also exploited politically.

The recent World Cup clash between India and Pakistan in Dubai, which Pakistan won decisively by 10 wickets, was just that. Pakistan Interior Minister Sheikh Rasheed stated, “Pakistan's triumph against India is a victory of Islam. All Muslims throughout the world are rejoicing.” He went on to add that this was akin to winning the World Cup. He was reminded on social media that it was a cricket match, not a victory in war, which Pakistan has never achieved.

Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan, on a visit to Saudi Arabia, stated while addressing a business forum, “If somehow we improve our relationship with India — I know after last night’s thrashing by the Pakistan team in the cricket match, it’s not a very good time to talk about improving relations with India.”

Fawad Chaudhry, Pakistan’s Minister of Information and Broadcasting, stated, “The celebrations in Kashmir after the defeat of the cricket team in India should be enough to open the eyes of Modi & Co.”

The Pakistan Army comments were more subdued. The DGISPR tweeted, “CJCSC & Services Chiefs congratulate Pakistan Cricket Team for historic win against India in ICC T20 World Cup.”

The trolling of Mohammad Shami partially projected the dark side of the Indian public. There is no doubt that the team made errors, which does occur when playing under pressure, but to blame an individual, when the whole team failed, displays an immature mindset. Within a day everything changed, and celebrities, politicians, former cricketers and the common Indian stood in support of Shami. Virat Kohli faced more fireworks in the post-match conference than during the game.

Later, it was found that comments against Shami had mostly originated from Pakistan-linked handles, exploiting the moment to enhance the religious divide within the country. New accounts were created on Instagram only to spread an ‘India is intolerant’ image. While this observation may be true, our own public’s reputation has been no better. In March 2007, Indian fans brought down walls and pillars of Dhoni’s under-construction house in Ranchi to protest India’s five-wicket rout by Bangladesh in their opening World Cup encounter.

Within India, there were reports of people celebrating Pakistan’s victory by bursting crackers. In some cases, it is difficult to dissect whether it was to celebrate Pakistan’s success or India’s defeat. In India, many view the defeat as a setback to the current political dispensation, echoed by many on social media outlets. Some celebrations in Jammu and Kashmir were aimed at displaying an anti-India stance. Interestingly, none who celebrated Pakistan’s victory would ever desire to live in Pakistan, even if invited or promised a lifelong visa.

Trolling and insulting the team post any loss is common even in Pakistan. After the defeat at the hands of India in the 2019 World Cup, Pakistan’s captain Sarfaraz Ahmed faced the nation’s ire. Shireen Mazari, Pakistan’s Human Rights Minister, tweeted, “Hate to admit it but today there was a professional well-gelled cricket team that was the Indian team and a bunch of stragglers disconnected and led by a yawning captain that passed for the Pak team.”

For the common Pakistani, the current victory was setting at rest the “mauka-mauka” advertisement released in 2015, which mocked Pakistan’s losses to India. Pakistan’s Dawn newspaper caught the mood in the title to its article, ‘Pakistan makes a mauka-ry of critics’.

The Dawn newspaper summed the importance of the victory for Pakistan. It stated, “With apologies to India, Pakistan fans deserved and needed this one much more. There is a mob heading towards the national capital, there are signs indicating a civil-military rift, a 'petrol bomb' was recently dropped, electricity rates have gone through the roof, a gas crisis is on the horizon, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) just wouldn't let us go, and there is trouble brewing in neighbouring Afghanistan. In the midst of all that, the win over India allows the entire country to forget the troubles of their routine life.”

The victory also pushed under the carpet the surrender of the government to the TLP, an organisation it had itself banned in April this year. It gave Pakistan politicians much needed breathing space and they exploited it.

India and Pakistan have had no sporting ties in recent times, on account of strained relations over terrorism and Kashmir. Prior to the World Cup there were calls for cancelling the match on account of the ongoing operation in Poonch, where India lost nine soldiers. Subramanian Swamy had tweeted, “Playing cricket with terrorist Pakistan, which is killing innocent Indians, is unacceptable.”

India-Pakistan rivalry exists in every sporting event, hockey and athletics included. Who can forget the incident in Bhubaneshwar where after their semi-final win over India, Pakistan players ran on the field, taking off their shirts and displaying vulgar signs at the audience. Nor can we forget the missing javelin incident between India’s golden boy of athletics Neeraj Chopra and Pakistan’s Nadeem during the Olympics this year.

This rivalry will not go away anytime soon. Accepting loss with maturity is more important. Likewise, by celebrating Pakistan’s victory, some Indians have made a ‘mauka-ry’ of their country’s ethos and democracy.

The author is a former Indian Army officer, strategic analyst and columnist. Views expressed are personal.



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Why China’s new Land Border Law may further intensify military standoff with India

China’s new Land Border Law claims to attract coordinated attention to the border regions to achieve socio-economic prosperity and infrastructural boom and to strengthen its border security and territorial sovereignty. This being the projected reality seems to have received wider media coverage. But, knowing China’s habitual double-dealing, it becomes imperative for New Delhi to exercise a greater degree of circumspection in understanding the sub-currents of the law and to act pre-emptively to minimise possible risk to India’s territorial integrity that the law may invite in the long run.

The Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPC) approved on 23 October 2021 the Land Border Law which is reported to be enforced on 1 January 2022. The law calls the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People's Republic of China (PRC) as ‘sacred and inviolable’ and clarifies the legal and military concentration on the border regions in terms of intensification of patrolling, infrastructural and deep border survey and surveillance activities.

The Global Times reports that the law ensures cooperation from the citizens and organisations and restricts them not to build permanent structures or fly drones and stipulates the use of weapons against the infiltrators and trespassers. The State Council Information Office of China (SCIOC), as reported in The Global Times, expressed in 2019 the complexity involved in securing its vast land and maritime border comprising more than 22,000 km of border land and a coastline of 18,000 km.

To make this overwhelmingly large and extensive borderline guarded and secured, the law is reported to be a much-needed addition to Beijing’s border-related legal arrangement. This sounds almost well and fine, but what needs to be seen is its bearing on India as there exists ambiguity in India-China border demarcation. China has always demonstrated its bullying behaviour along the LAC (Line of Actual Control) stretching over 3,488 km.

The Doklam crisis, Galwan Valley standoff, and the ongoing Chinese activities along the border areas of Arunachal Pradesh are some of the tendencies that worry India and invite defensive action from its end. On top of it, the new Land Border Law generates urgency for India to seriously rethink expediting its border infrastructure and going headlong into quick structuring of plans to build formidable frontier highways and other defence-related installations in order to stand shoulder to shoulder with China. New Delhi needs to revitalise significantly its geostrategic nodes along the LAC to strengthen its position which will act as a major deterrent to the Dragon’s expansionist proclivities.

This would give Beijing the much-needed message to recoil to its respective territory and refrain from interventionist and intrusive strategy of salami slicing and cabbage cutting (clandestine and incremental occupation of the land of the neighbouring nations’ territory without resorting to the visible and violent methods of annexation) as exercised along LAC, Bhutan, Nepal, South China Sea, Paracel Islands, Senkaku Islands, median line in the Taiwan Strait, Indo-Pacific regions, etc.

These tiny transgressions promise a profitable dividend to China as it gradually claims those territories acquired as its own or declares them disputed if much hue and cry is done. Beijing’s every move, both covert and overt, must be keenly observed; and this move in legislating a law in the pretext of protecting its border needs deep reading.

Knowing its sustained attempt to cause border conflicts along the LAC, this law may have much that needs critical reading than brushing aside as mere domestic legal commitment to ensure border safety. This piece of legislation deals with the international border, and therefore embodies policies that may initiate staggering developments along the border. The critical part of it is that the habitual transgressor complains of transgression and legislates a law to check the acts of transgression! This policy paradox and the development of a complex that its borders require protection and hence the law, sound very ominous.

Doklam standoff

Beijing has never given New Delhi conflict-free LAC. The latter ignored for a long time the former’s malice under the pseudo and synthetic Sino-India friendship. When New Delhi realised the danger from its eastern sector and geared up its infrastructure along the border, it had to face the Doklam standoff. The face-off in the Doklam plateau, Bhutan, began on 16 June 2017 with Beijing starting construction of a motorable road to develop connectivity between Doklam and Chumbi valley in Tibet transgressing the Indo-Bhutan bilateral agreement of 1949 and 2007 and the India-China agreement of 2012. The said agreements then arrived at a consensus of maintaining status quo at the crucial trijunction.

Beijing knows the importance of the Siliguri corridor for India with length and width of 60 and 22 km respectively and the only land link to India's Northeastern states such as Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim and Tripura. It invests its diplomatic, military and infrastructural might to keep the tension growing in the region and to offer India some form of sustained restlessness. This mindset arranges a series of hurdles for India to distract it from its aspiration towards becoming a major economic and diplomatic force in South Asia.

China’s Doklam claim is dubiously based on the Anglo-Chinese Convention of 1890. On 14 October 2021 Beijing and Thimphu signed an MoU (Memorandum of Understanding) on Three-Step Roadmap to expedite the boundary talk. The Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs of China, Wu Jianghao, and the Foreign Minister of Bhutan, Lyonpo Tandi Dorji, met virtually in a video conferencing and mutually agreed to cooperate in terms of facilitating border talks. But what remains to be seen is that of the pragmatic aspects of the talk. Will this virtual generosity and claims of cooperation really lead to some form of positive and result-oriented conclusion? Or, is this just showcasing to give the international community the impression of China's change of heart and positive intent? This comes just before the introduction of the new Land Border Law and may embody China's cunning.

Ladakh

The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) sets its land-grabbing expedition in the Ladakh region too by intruding into India’s territory and ramping up the defence infrastructure. In June 2020 the face-off between PLA and Indian military led to a violent brawl in the Galwan Valley which killed 20 Indian soldiers. The actual casualty on the Chinese side still remains unknown. This and a host of other successive disputes indicate Beijing's doggedness towards prolonging border conflict with India and distracting India from its preparedness towards boosting its economy crippled by the COVID-19 pandemic.

Around Pangong Lake, both militaries have agreed to pull back, but in other areas such as Hot Springs, Gogra Post and the Depsang Plains in Ladakh, Beijing indulges in territorial ambiguities in the absence of a well-defined hard boundary and claims its own and desires to leverage on its critical geo-strategic exceptionality. The prime geostrategic Aksai Chin plateau which connects Xinjiang Province with western Tibet still remains in China’s control.

Pakistan has given the Shaksgam Valley or the Trans Karakoram Tract of Hunza-Gilgit region of Pak-occupied Kashmir to China and has given it the total access to operationalise its China-Pakistan economic corridor there. The new Land Border Law may be an addition to Beijing’s armoury of extending conflict with India. If this law expedites Beijing military infrastructural projects along the LAC, it may commit a series of violations as the India-China border has not been respected seriously by it.

Arunachal Pradesh

Chinese intransigence over Arunachal Pradesh is a cause of concern as well. Arunachal Pradesh, being a frontier state of India having significant geostrategic space, shares an international border with Myanmar (520 km), China (1,080 km) and Bhutan (217 km). Its untapped natural resources and geo-economic potentiality attract China and the latter makes weird and unfounded claims to occupy it.

Beijing adopts the salami-slicing method wherever possible to gradually occupy the land as there are many vast stretches along the McMahon Line which remain largely uninhabited. The unoccupied lands are the easy grab for China. Beijing’s new Land Border Law with its vigour for redefining its territory with Arunachal Pradesh may create a fresh set of troubles for India by demanding its claim over it. A frontier highway seems to be the immediate infrastructural need in the region that New Delhi must adopt to tackle effectively the ensuing consequences of the nascent border law. It will facilitate faster movement of troops if China resorts to military confrontation.

China cares least about the fragile ecology in the Himalayan region and intervenes technologically to build infrastructure. India has to undertake competitive infrastructural projects in Arunachal Pradesh, resorting to due restraint wherever possible to safeguard ecology. China has already built road and bullet train infrastructure to Nyingchi, a town that is extremely close to the border of Arunachal Pradesh and is taking a major initiative to develop border infrastructure. The rail connectivity project to Tawang undertaken by India seems to have gone slow owing to various local, logistic, ecological and economic factors. New Delhi must revitalise its infrastructural project to expedite growth in the region and safeguard the territorial sovereignty of India, especially along the LAC, by intensifying security arrangements in order to check Beijing’s arbitrariness and hegemonic character.

The current government at the Centre seems to have shown the right mindset to give a proper counter to China, but what more needs to be done is that of a massive ramp-up in the infrastructure sector along the LAC to make Beijing realise India’s territorial integrity is its top priority. The new Land Border Law may embody surprises for India, but New Delhi must express its preparedness to offer proper opposition to any misadventure resorted to. Moreover, China is an expansionist power. This propensity is well-illustrated in Mao Zedong’s imagination of modern China considering Tibet being its right-hand palm and Ladakh, Nepal, Sikkim, Bhutan and NEFA (Arunachal Pradesh) are its five fingers.

These border disputes explain Beijing’s resolve to fulfil Mao’s territorial imagination. The new Land Border Law may never go off track and settle border issues to restore peace along the LAC. It may be very much on track to intensify the border controversy until Mao’s dream is realised.

Dr Jajati K Pattnaik is an Associate Professor in the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi; Dr Chandan K Panda is an Assistant Professor at Rajiv Gandhi University, Itanagar, Arunachal Pradesh. Views expressed are personal.​



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TMC stands for 'Temple, Mosque, Church', says Mamata as Leander Paes, Nafisa Ali join party ahead of Goa polls

Tennis veteran Leander Paes on Friday joined the Trinamool Congress in presence of West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee in Panaji, Goa.

Banerjee, who is in the coastal state on a three-day visit, welcomed Paes into the party fold.

Senior actor and activist Nafisa Ali, who contested the 2004 Lok Sabha elections from South Kolkata against Banerjee, also joined the party.

Paes, the 48-year-old, has won eight doubles and 10 mixed doubles Grand Slam titles. He has also received the Rajiv Gandhi Khel Ratna award, India's highest sporting honour in 1996-1997, the Arjuna Award in 1990, the Padma Shri award in 2001 and India's third highest civlian award, the Padma Bhushan in January 2014.

The developments come ahead of Assembly polls in Goa scheduled to be held early next year.

Meanwhile, Mamata Banerjee on Friday told her party workers that the BJP calls her "anti-Hindu" although it has no authority to give a "character certificate" to her, and added that the initial letters in her party's name - TMC - also stand for temple, mosque and church.

The West Bengal chief minister, who arrived in Goa on Thursday evening as part of her three-day visit to the BJP-ruled state, also said her party wants to fight elections here not to divide votes but to make the coastal state "strong and self-sufficient" and asserted that the state will not be run from Delhi.

She said her party doesn't divide people on religious lines even if they are Hindus, Muslims or Christians.

The TMC has announced its decision to contest all 40 Assembly seats in Goa in the upcoming polls and started inducting several local leaders into its fold. Banerjee's tour is being seen as an attempt by her to gauge political mood in the state ahead of the Assembly polls slated in early 2022.

During her maiden interaction with the TMC leaders in Goa, Banerjee accused the BJP of defacing her posters in the state and said people of India will deface the saffron party.

"When I come to Goa, they deface my posters. You will be defaced from India," she said.

"You deface us (our posters), show black flags, refuse to grant permission (to hold event) because you know that TMC will due but will never compromise," she said while targeting the ruling BJP in Goa.

Banerjee said that if the TMC comes to power in Goa, it will not work with the agenda of revenge, but work for the state.

Listing out various welfare schemes rolled out by her government in her home state, she said if the TMC can do it in West Bengal, the it can also do it the small state of Goa.

"I will be happy to do it. I am not going to be the chief minister of Goa, but I will see that there is policy, mechanism and no corruption in the government," she said.

Banerjee said the TMC is a national party and it can go anywhere.

"We will work for Goa in a strong manner. It is not that we want to divide votes. You have given opportunity to all parties, now give opportunity to the TMC," she said.

She said the initial three letters in her party's name TMC also stand for temple, mosque and church.

"BJP calls me anti-Hindu, but they are no one to give me character certificate. They should first decide their own character certificate," the 66-year-old leader said.

Stating that the TMC doesn't divide people on the basis of religions — be they are Hindus, Muslims or Christians, Banerjee said, "We unite people."

She narrated how she has been associated with the all the religions by way of festivals and rituals.

Recalling her stint as a Union minister earlier, the TMC chief said she has travelled the country. "I know India very well," she said.

Calling the TMC a transparent party, she said, "If you trust us, the party will give its fullest to back to you... Goa will not be run from Delhi."

Banerjee said her party wants to make Goa strong and self-sufficient and also protect the state's cultural heritage.
Referring to the Congress, she said the party has contested elections for 60-70 years.

"Last time (in 2017 Goa polls), you (Congress) allowed the BJP to form the government. They may repeat the same thing. How can we trust them? TMC is ready to give their blood for Goa, but it will not compromise with BJP," she said.

With inputs from PTI



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HCS Judicial branch prelims 2021: HPSC releases admit cards at hpsc.gov.in, check direct link here

The admit cards for the Haryana Civil Service (HCS) Judicial Branch preliminary exam 2021 have been released by the Haryana Public Service Commission (HPSC). The registered candidates can now check and download the hall tickets by visiting the official website, http://hpsc.gov.in/.

Steps to download the HCS Judicial Branch prelims 2021 admit card:

-    Go to the official website, http://hpsc.gov.in/

-    Click on the link that reads, “download admit card for HCS Preliminary Exams 2021”

-    Enter your login details such as application number, login ID, and password

-    Within a few seconds, the HSPC admit card will be displayed on the screen

-    Check it and keep a printout for future use

Direct link to download admit card: https://cdn3.digialm.com/EForms/configuredHtml/31253/69421/login.html

According to an official notice, the HCS Judicial Branch preliminary exam 2021 will be held on 13 November from 11:00 am to 1:00 pm. The recruitment is being carried out for a total of 256 posts of Civil Judge (Judicial Division) in the state of Haryana.

In case there is a discrepancy in the name, date of birth or any other column of a candidate’s admit card, he/she can contact the helpline number – 022-61306209. Applicants also need to note that the facility to report discrepancies will not be entertained after 8 November.

It is mandatory for candidates to carry their admit cards along with a valid photo ID to the examination venue.

The commission had announced earlier that selection of a candidate will depend on three rounds, the preliminary exam, the main exam, and the interview. An applicant will have to qualify all the rounds in order to secure a post. The first round, i.e. the prelims will consist of objective-type questions. The main exam will be subjective or narrative type.

The unreserved candidates who obtain 150 marks or more in the preliminary round will be shortlisted to give the main examination.

However, aspirants belonging to the reserved category need to secure 100 marks in order to qualify the preliminary round.

 



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UPSC CMS admit card 2021 released at upsc.gov.in; check steps and direct link here

The admit cards for the Combined Medical Services (CMS) Examination 2021 have been released by the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC). The registered candidates can now check and download their hall tickets by visiting the official website of UPSC at https://upsc.gov.in/.

Those appearing for the exam will be able to download the admit cards till 21 November. To download the hall tickets, candidates need to provide their registration id and roll number.

Steps to download UPSC CMS admit card 2021:

Step 1: Go to the official website at https://upsc.gov.in/

Step 2: On the homepage, search and click on the link that reads, “UPSC CMS Admit Card 2021”

Step 3: Soon after clicking the link, you’ll be redirected to the new window

Step 4: Then, candidates need to submit their credentials

Step 5: After providing all details, the UPSC CMS admit cards will be displayed on the screen

Step 6: At last, download UPSC CMS admit hall ticket and take the hard copy for future use or reference

Direct link to download UPSC CMS admit card 2021: https://upsconline.nic.in/eadmitcard/admitcard_cms_2021/

Candidates are requested to check all the details mentioned on the admit cards carefully. If any candidate faces any kind of issue in downloading the e-admit card or notices any discrepancy on it, he/she must get in touch with the commission. For technical issues, applicants can mail at web-upsc@nic.in and for applicant data problems, requests can be mailed to uscms-upsc@nic.in.

The admit card is an important document that needs to be carried on the exam day. Those who fail to bring it to the examination venue will not be allowed to sit for the exam.

For the unversed, the UPSC CMS 2021 will be held in two shifts and there will be two papers for the respective exam which is Paper I and Paper II.

Paper I will consist of subjects like General Medicine and Pediatrics while Paper 2 would be on Gynecology and Obstetrics, Surgery along with Preventive and Social Medicine.



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Tata's COVID-19 test kit to detect Omicron variant gets IMCR nod: All you need to know about 'OmiSure'

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